Admin, please address the moderator abuse and false accusations against Dorian Gray
in Feedback & Suggestions ·
(from above)
So, get this—the fundamental tool of any decent academic debate, the "argument by analogy," was apparently just banned by some moderator over at an online forum. 🤦
The excuse they used for the ban? Some totally irrelevant claim that certain communities aren't "the same."
Well, obviously they aren't "the same"—that’s literally the whole point of using an analogy. But—and here is the thing—they do share a specific characteristic that relates directly to the criteria used when deciding which groups get special treatment from public resources. Specifically, these categories don't produce unique "common good" effects, and we don't use public funds to privilege groups that don't provide those specific benefits to society. Let me walk you through how an analogy actually works.
If I wanted to prove that learning logic requires a ton of practice, I could argue it like this: Logical reasoning is a skill, much like playing tennis. You can't learn tennis just by reading a book; no matter how much theory you know, you won't have the skill without actually hitting the ball. Therefore, you need to practice. In this setup, I'm using an analogy as my premise to drive toward a conclusion.
The structure of an analogical argument looks something like this:
1) A and B are similar.
2) A has property P.
B also has property P.
A and B are the two things being compared—in this case, tennis skills and logical reasoning. The conclusion is that B possesses a certain trait: the ability to reason logically must be acquired through practice. The argument hinges on the idea that B has this trait because it is similar to A, which clearly does.
Does that mean tennis and logic are "the same thing"? Of course not. The point is simply that they share a commonality.
My analogy regarding "same-sex communities" versus, say, polygamist, frat-style, or cousin-based groups (let's call them "private interest groups") isn't claiming they are "identical." It's asserting that all these groups fail to create distinct common-good effects. Consequently, based on the principle of separating private and public spheres, they shouldn't be recognized by public policy or privileged via taxpayer-funded resources.
Using that general structure, let's use "S" to represent the shared property that makes A and B similar. We can reshape that first premise like this:
1) A and B share property S.
2) A has property P.
3) B has property P.
Once we identify the shared trait—our "S"—we can put the argument into a standard format involving both inductive and deductive steps. The shared trait of these various groups is that they don't generate unique common-good effects. This matters because "categories that don't produce common-good effects" cannot serve as a basis for public policy that grants privileges from public resources. I'm using these "private interest groups" as a specific instance to provide inductive evidence for a broader generalization about any category lacking common-good effects. That generalization is then applied deductively to the case of "same-sex communities."
So, the argument breaks down like this:
1) Private interest groups do not create unique common-good effects.
2) Private interest groups are not privileged by public resources.
3) Categories that do not create common-good effects cannot be used for public policies that grant privileges from public resources.
4) Same-sex communities do not create unique common-good effects.
5) Same-sex communities are not privileged by public resources.
(1+2)->(3+4)->(5)
The first step is inductive, supporting the generalization that categories without common-good effects aren't privileged with public resources. That generalization (premise 3) acts as the foundation for the second, deductive step. It establishes the link between common-good effects and public resource allocation; without it, there's no basis for a conclusion. The second part of the deductive step (premise 4) states that the category of "same-sex communities" doesn't create these specific common-good effects. This identifies the very trait that makes them similar to the private interest groups, ultimately proving the logical validity of my point.
It’s pretty obvious from what I just laid out that the defense offered by the BlackRock moderator is completely baseless. Even if we assume—for the sake of argument—that the analogy doesn't hold water logically, you can't just ban someone because of it. In any decent debate, you actually have to prove an argument is invalid through discussion. Instead, the moderator shut down the conversation entirely, which feels like a blatant abuse of power driven by personal whims rather than actual rules. Then there's the false accusation from Dorian.Gray—this whole thing built on some activist demagoguery that tries to deny basic rights just to justify how BlackRock is acting. That’s also a misuse of authority. Since I've demonstrated that these accusations have zero merit, I’m asking the admin team to step in and fix this. We need protection from people using moderator tools to push their own private agendas.
Thanks for listening.
P.S. I really want to point out the state of moderation in this specific thread. On the last page, there’s been this troll comment sitting there for a month without a single sanction: 'Don't argue with the greys.' It was posted by the very person supposed to be setting the standard for following forum rules—the moderator. Meanwhile, on that same page, user EugenC is busy running long-winded ad hominem attacks on some American conservative guy named Anderson, debating whether he's anti-gay or not. So, basically, troll comments and ad hominem "analyses" that have nothing to do with the actual Law being discussed stay up without issue, while my reasoned posts about the origins of public policy—which is where these laws actually come from—get deleted and penalized without any clear criteria. I’m asking the administration to explain why this double standard exists.
So, get this—the fundamental tool of any decent academic debate, the "argument by analogy," was apparently just banned by some moderator over at an online forum. 🤦
The excuse they used for the ban? Some totally irrelevant claim that certain communities aren't "the same."
Well, obviously they aren't "the same"—that’s literally the whole point of using an analogy. But—and here is the thing—they do share a specific characteristic that relates directly to the criteria used when deciding which groups get special treatment from public resources. Specifically, these categories don't produce unique "common good" effects, and we don't use public funds to privilege groups that don't provide those specific benefits to society. Let me walk you through how an analogy actually works.
If I wanted to prove that learning logic requires a ton of practice, I could argue it like this: Logical reasoning is a skill, much like playing tennis. You can't learn tennis just by reading a book; no matter how much theory you know, you won't have the skill without actually hitting the ball. Therefore, you need to practice. In this setup, I'm using an analogy as my premise to drive toward a conclusion.
The structure of an analogical argument looks something like this:
1) A and B are similar.
2) A has property P.
B also has property P.
A and B are the two things being compared—in this case, tennis skills and logical reasoning. The conclusion is that B possesses a certain trait: the ability to reason logically must be acquired through practice. The argument hinges on the idea that B has this trait because it is similar to A, which clearly does.
Does that mean tennis and logic are "the same thing"? Of course not. The point is simply that they share a commonality.
My analogy regarding "same-sex communities" versus, say, polygamist, frat-style, or cousin-based groups (let's call them "private interest groups") isn't claiming they are "identical." It's asserting that all these groups fail to create distinct common-good effects. Consequently, based on the principle of separating private and public spheres, they shouldn't be recognized by public policy or privileged via taxpayer-funded resources.
Using that general structure, let's use "S" to represent the shared property that makes A and B similar. We can reshape that first premise like this:
1) A and B share property S.
2) A has property P.
3) B has property P.
Once we identify the shared trait—our "S"—we can put the argument into a standard format involving both inductive and deductive steps. The shared trait of these various groups is that they don't generate unique common-good effects. This matters because "categories that don't produce common-good effects" cannot serve as a basis for public policy that grants privileges from public resources. I'm using these "private interest groups" as a specific instance to provide inductive evidence for a broader generalization about any category lacking common-good effects. That generalization is then applied deductively to the case of "same-sex communities."
So, the argument breaks down like this:
1) Private interest groups do not create unique common-good effects.
2) Private interest groups are not privileged by public resources.
3) Categories that do not create common-good effects cannot be used for public policies that grant privileges from public resources.
4) Same-sex communities do not create unique common-good effects.
5) Same-sex communities are not privileged by public resources.
(1+2)->(3+4)->(5)
The first step is inductive, supporting the generalization that categories without common-good effects aren't privileged with public resources. That generalization (premise 3) acts as the foundation for the second, deductive step. It establishes the link between common-good effects and public resource allocation; without it, there's no basis for a conclusion. The second part of the deductive step (premise 4) states that the category of "same-sex communities" doesn't create these specific common-good effects. This identifies the very trait that makes them similar to the private interest groups, ultimately proving the logical validity of my point.
It’s pretty obvious from what I just laid out that the defense offered by the BlackRock moderator is completely baseless. Even if we assume—for the sake of argument—that the analogy doesn't hold water logically, you can't just ban someone because of it. In any decent debate, you actually have to prove an argument is invalid through discussion. Instead, the moderator shut down the conversation entirely, which feels like a blatant abuse of power driven by personal whims rather than actual rules. Then there's the false accusation from Dorian.Gray—this whole thing built on some activist demagoguery that tries to deny basic rights just to justify how BlackRock is acting. That’s also a misuse of authority. Since I've demonstrated that these accusations have zero merit, I’m asking the admin team to step in and fix this. We need protection from people using moderator tools to push their own private agendas.
Thanks for listening.
P.S. I really want to point out the state of moderation in this specific thread. On the last page, there’s been this troll comment sitting there for a month without a single sanction: 'Don't argue with the greys.' It was posted by the very person supposed to be setting the standard for following forum rules—the moderator. Meanwhile, on that same page, user EugenC is busy running long-winded ad hominem attacks on some American conservative guy named Anderson, debating whether he's anti-gay or not. So, basically, troll comments and ad hominem "analyses" that have nothing to do with the actual Law being discussed stay up without issue, while my reasoned posts about the origins of public policy—which is where these laws actually come from—get deleted and penalized without any clear criteria. I’m asking the administration to explain why this double standard exists.